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If a party has actual knowledge that Confidentiall Information is being knowledge inadvertently disclosed anxiety burning sensation cheap luvox 50 mg fast delivery. No party shall have an affirmative obligation to inform itself regarding such possible possessed anxiety service dog cheap 50 mg luvox otc. On the outside of the envelopes anxiety forum discount 100mg luvox, a copy of the first page of the document shall outside containers anxiety symptoms and signs cheap 50mg luvox with visa. If Confidentiall Information is included in the first page attached to the outside of the attached. A party may designate as "Confidential Information" documents or discovery "Confidential Information" documents 6 7 8 9 10 1. If a party produces confrdential documentmay materials designated Confidential Information in compliance with this Order, that production consistent requirements shall be deemed to have been made consistent with any confidentiality or privacy requirements 1. 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A whole day before the ceremony the valley was packed with people; they all came only to look on; early in the morning the Commandant appeared with his ladies; fanfares roused the whole camp; I reported that everything was in readiness; the assembled company - no high official dared to absent himself - arranged itself around the machine; this pile of cane chairs is a miserable survival from that epoch anxiety yahoo buy luvox 100 mg with amex. The machine was freshly cleaned and glittering anxiety 2020 episodes proven 100mg luvox, I got new spare parts for almost every execution anxiety 4 hereford generic 50mg luvox with visa. Before hundreds of spectators - all of them standing on tiptoe as far as the heights there - the condemned man was laid under the Harrow by the Commandant himself anxiety zone breast cancer luvox 100mg low cost. What is left today for a common soldier to do was then my task, the task of the presiding judge, and was an honor for me. Many did not care to watch it but lay with closed eyes in the sand; they all knew: Now Justice is being done. It was impossible to grant all the requests to be allowed to watch it from nearby. The Commandant in his wisdom ordained that the children should have the preference; I, of course, because of my office had the privilege of always being at hand; often enough I would be squatting there with a small child in either arm. How we all absorbed the look of transfiguration on the face of the sufferer, how we bathed our cheeks in the radiance of that justice, achieved at last and fading so quickly! The soldier had finished his cleaning job and was now pouring rice pap from a pot into the basin. As soon as the condemned man, who seemed to have recovered entirely, noticed this action he began to reach for the rice with his tongue. And the corpse still falls at the last into the pit with an incomprehensibly gentle wafting motion, even though there are no hundreds of people swarming around like flies as formerly. In those days we had to put a strong fence around the pit, it has long since been torn down. The officer left him alone for a little; with legs apart, hands on hips, he stood very still, gazing at the ground. Then he smiled encouragingly at the explorer and said: "I was quite near you yesterday when the Commandant gave you the invitation. He has calculated it carefully: this is your second day on the island, you did not know the old Commandant and his ways, you are conditioned by European ways of thought, perhaps you object on principle to capital punishment in general and to such mechanical instruments of death in particular, besides you will see that the execution has no support from the public, a shabby ceremony - carried out with a machine already somewhat old and worn-now, taking all that into consideration, would it not be likely (so thinks the Commandant) that you might disapprove of my methods True, you have seen and learned to appreciate the peculiarities of many peoples, and so you would not be likely to take a strong line against our proceedings, as you might do in your own country. Such a verdict from such a personality makes it impossible for me to countenance these methods any longer. He said evasively: "You overestimate my influence; the Commandant has read my letters of recommendation, he knows that I am no expert in criminal procedure. If I were to give an opinion, it would be as a private individual, an opinion no more influential than that of any ordinary person, and in any case much less influential than that of the Commandant, who, I am given to understand, has very extensive powers in this penal colony. If his attitude to your procedure is as definitely hostile as you believe, then I fear the end of your tradition is at hand, even without any humble assistance from me. I was simply delighted when I heard that you Page 181 were to attend the execution all by yourself. The Commandant arranged it to aim a blow at me, but I shall turn it to my advantage. Without being distracted by lying whispers and contemptuous glances - which could not have been avoided had a crowd of people attended the execution - you have heard my explanations, seen the machine, and are now in course of watching the execution. You have doubtless already formed your own judgment; if you still have some small uncertainties the sight of the execution will resolve them. The explorer saw with a certain apprehension that the officer had clenched his fists. But even granted that you are right, is it not necessary, for the sake of preserving this tradition, to try even what might prove insufficient The first thing necessary for you to carry it out is to be as reticent as possible today regarding your verdict on these proceedings. Unless you are asked a direct question you must say nothing at all; but what you do say must be brief and general; let it be remarked that you would prefer not to discuss the matter, that you are out of patience with it, that if you are to let yourself go you would use strong language. There are grounds enough for any impatience you betray, although not such as will occur to the Commandant. Of course the Commandant is the kind of man to have turned these conferences into public spectacles. I am compelled to take part in the conferences, but they make me sick with disgust. Now, whatever happens, you will certainly be invited to this conference; if you behave today as I suggest, the invitation will become an urgent request.
Monitoring may provide data that prompt practitioners to adjust their plans and implementation schedules (known as single-loop learning anxiety treatment without medication luvox 50 mg on line, or "doing things right") anxiety symptoms sore throat generic 100 mg luvox free shipping. It also may yield insights or questions that prompt practitioners to reconsider the larger strategy they are putting into practice (known as double-loop learning anxiety symptoms worksheet cheap 100mg luvox otc, or "doing the right things") anxiety youtube purchase luvox 50 mg free shipping. In complex environments, the lines between strategy and management overlap and blur. In fact, practitioners learn a great deal about the problem they are trying to address, and what may or may not work, during implementation. Place-based change organizations have developed a rich variety of their own "in-house" models that capture adaptive management approaches. Many local groups involved in the national 100,000 Homes Campaign, for instance, use a 100 Day Campaign model, inspired by the work of the Rapid Results Institute, whereby community partners develop and implement a "rapid cycle project" with clear steps, tasks, and schedules to reduce by 2. After each project cycle, the group reviews the results and learnings of their efforts, explores the characteristics of the next cohort of participants, and develops a new action plan for the next cycle. This gives staff time and space to explore new opportunities to advance their mission and strategy and to consider shifts in local context that might influence their thinking about the overall mission and approach. Learning and Evaluation the Roundtable on Community Change has covered the thorny challenge of evaluating placedbased community change extensively over the years. It published two seminal volumes on New Approaches to Evaluating Community Initiatives (Connell et al. Instead, we focus on extra insights about learning and evaluation practices, revealed through a complexity lens, that are most relevant to actors in place-based community change efforts. In traditional approaches, evaluators and practitioners are encouraged to create a theory of change, logic model, and outcome statements as a basis for developing evaluation designs. Once these have been established, evaluators typically focus on tracking progress against agreed-on measures of success and on surfacing issues that may require practitioners to make midcourse adjustments to their strategy or implementation plans. While this approach may be suitable for strategies and interventions that are relatively well developed and stable, there are two reasons why it is counterproductive to expect this level of clarity for the emerging and adapting strategies typical of community change efforts. First, practitioners must often work through a significant period of experimentation before they can develop baseline conditions for traditional evaluation. Forcing either group to prematurely commit to a theory of change and to fixedoutcome measurements to satisfy the standards of traditional evaluation practice would have discouraged the experimental approach that made both efforts so successful in the first place. Second, many strategies and interventions never achieve the stability required by conventional assessment practices. As practitioners learn more about the challenges they are wrestling with, as the context in which they work continues to shift, and as new actors arrive on the scene, they are apt to adapt their strategy. Asking practitioners to stick to an established strategy and evaluation design, no matter how hard-won, encourages rigidity and discourages the responsiveness and adaptability central to place-based community change. To be relevant for practitioners working with emergent contexts, evaluations (and evaluators) need to embrace the following complexity-aware practices: e se evaluative processes to inform the development of strategy and theory of change. U Evaluators can help practitioners track the learnings and results of their multiple probes and experiments and use them to craft a more robust theory of change and outcome expectations, a point at which more traditional evaluation practices may be appropriate. The volume and F diversity of data in emergent and adaptive work can be overwhelming. Evaluators can Complexity and Community Change: Managing Adaptively to Improve Effectiveness 25 help facilitate the translation of data into useful messages and link them to decisionmaking processes. The complex nature of place-based community E change makes it easier for evaluators to help practitioners learn and adapt in real time if they are working alongside the practitioners and have frequent opportunities to communicate, rather than drop into the process periodically at predetermined dates. These simple features are characteristics of several fast-growing niches of complexitybased evaluation, for the world of evaluation in general and for place-based community change in particular. These approaches include developmental evaluation (Patton, 2011), an orientation to evaluation designed to fit the niche of emergent and adaptive change efforts, and strategic learning, a broader approach to learning and assessment in change efforts that encourages practitioners to draw on multiple sources of data. It is important to note that, in the spirit of situational leadership described in Chapter 1, developmental evaluation and strategic learning complement rather than replace more traditional formative and summative evaluation. When practitioners are operating with clear theories of change and relatively well-developed strategies and plans, traditional evaluation practices are entirely appropriate. When practitioners are still developing and/or significantly adapting their approaches, developmental evaluation or strategic learning are useful.
What were once disciplinary issues for school administrators are now called crimes anxiety disorder symptoms luvox 100 mg discount, and students are either arrested directly at school or their infractions are reported to the police anxiety medication list luvox 50 mg with visa. The risk of later incarceration for students who are suspended or expelled and unarrested is also great anxiety symptoms children buy luvox 50mg low price. For many anxiety jokes 100mg luvox with visa, going to school has become literally and figuratively synonymous with going to jail. The school to prison pipeline is most immediately related to zero tolerance policies and to failing schools that are over-crowded, inadequately resourced and highly segregated, but it is also the result of larger social and political trends. The school to prison pipeline is consistent with media driven fears of crime and super-predators, an increasingly harsh legal system for both juveniles and adults, and the rise of the prison industrial complex. What follows is a discussion of the factors that contribute to the school to prison pipeline, an in-depth analysis of the flaws of zero tolerance policies, and recommendations for the interruption of this growing pattern of punishing rather than educating our nation`s youth. The School to Prison Pipeline: the Context the school to prison pipeline does not exist in a vacuum. It is deeply connected to a sociopolitical climate that is increasingly fearful and punitive. The tendency towards criminalization and incarceration has seeped into the schools, and with each year, this legal net ensnares younger and younger children. School funding declines precipitously, while funding for enhanced security measures rises. Behavior that once resulted in a trip to the principal`s office now is grounds for a trip to jail. The willingness of some officials to have handcuffed 5 year olds escorted from school by uniformed police officers cannot be accounted for by educational policy alone. What factors account for the policy shifts that shape the school to prison pipeline Who benefits when a growing number of children pushed out of education and into risk for incarceration The answers in part can be found by a closer examination of the role of both media constructions and the on-going push towards prisonization. As Walker, Spohn, and Delone (2007, 25) observe, Our perceptions of crimes are shaped to a large extent by the highly publicized crimes featured on the nightly news and sensationalized in news papers. We read about young African American and Hispanic males who sexually assault, rob and murder whites, and we assume that these crimes are typical. We assume that the typical crime is a violent crime, that the typical victim is white, and that the typical offender is African American or Hispanic. In general, the research indicates that violent crime and youth crime is dramatically over-represented, crime coverage has increased in spite of falling crime rates, African Americans and Latinos are over-represented as offenders and underrepresented as victims, and inter-racial crime, especially crimes involving white victims, is overreported (Dorfman and Schiraldi 2001, 5) Beyond over-representation as criminals, African American offenders are depicted in a more negative way than their white counterparts. Black suspects are also depicted as more poorly dressed and were much less likely to speak than white suspects, reinforcing the notion that they were indistinct from non-criminal blacks (Entman and Rojecki 2000). The media`s general misrepresentation of crime and criminals certainly extends to youth; some estimates indicate that as much as two-thirds of violent crime coverage focused on youth under age 25 (Hancock 2001). The context for the current climate of repressive youth policies was set in the in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s. Media generated hysteria inextricably linked teen super-predators, gang-violence and the crack cocaine epidemic, and all were unmistakably characterized as issues of race. The coverage of the youth gangs, which focused almost exclusively on African American and Latino gangs, exaggerated the extent of gang membership and gang violence, contributing the creation of moral panic (McCorkle and Miethe 2000). Headlines screamed dire warnings about the legions of teen super-predators that would come of age by 2010; of course, they were urban, they were black and brown, and they were relentlessly violent (Templeton 1998). Given apparent legitimacy by conservative 3 Forum on Public Policy academics such as Wilson (1995) and DiIuio (1995) this super-predator script took off among both media and policy-makers. Violence, gangs, crack and youth of color became synonymous (Sheldon, Tracy and Brown, 2001; Walker, Spohn and DeLone 2007). They have adopted what Gerbner (1994) calls the mean-world syndrome; they are overly fearful and mistrustful of strangers. As Perry (2001, 185) observes, black males historically have been presented as the villain`.